The Nile is, perhaps, the essence of the African continent: all of its nuances and sundry distilled and typified into its very being.She is unwieldy, fertile, destructive, glorious and inevitably fraught with political dissent.She is also large – very large. At over four-thousand miles, weaving through nine countries and reaching widths of up to five miles, the Nile is the longest river in the world.As with all of Nature's resplendent wonders, she is closely followed by the adulterating wiles of man.As contentious and volatile as the East African political landscape is, one unwavering constant has remained manifest since time immemorial: life itself heeds the beck and call of the River Nile, with all of her tortuous bends and turns.The undeniable significance of the river adds a further layer of gravitas, transforming what would ostensibly be harmless political squabbles into a matter of life and death.
The Nile sustains over three-hundred million people who reside in and around its Basin, extending from Burundi at its southern-most tip through the entirety of Egypt in the north, splitting into the vast Nile Delta and finally escaping into the vastness of the Mediterranean Sea.The Basin population is expected to double within the next twenty years, creating an unprecedented demand for water in a historically drought-ridden region. Of the 180 countries listed in the World Water Development Report’s ranking of water availability per capita, the Nile countries are conspicuously low: Kenya is ranked 154th, Uganda 115th and Ethiopia 137th, while the downstream nations of Egypt and Sudan are ranked 156th and 129th, respectively.
Burgeoning demographic growth, coupled with dwindling resources, is a recipe for political destabilization and armed escalation.At the heart of the issue lie the timeless truths of the African continent: scarcity, greed and inevitable international intervention.This crisis takes the discerning observer back to 1929 when the Nile Water Agreement, a thorny vestige of the colonial era that still bears legitimacy, was first established.The Agreement, brokered by the British, granted the Nile's downstream nations (Sudan and Egypt) extensive rights over the river's use and, more significantly, exclusive veto power concerning any public infrastructure projects built on or along the Nile by any of the upstream nations, much to the chagrin of countries like Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda and Ethiopia.The logic behind their concern is that the unimpeded flow of nutrient-rich river water to the downstream states is threatened by the construction of dams, irrigation canals or hydro-electric turbines further up the river.The Nile's flow adopts a particularly sensitive demeanour in the Egyptian context: the country's sustenance hinges completely on the river and its population lives entirely along its banks as the rest of its territory is composed of the largest desert on Earth.The Agreement guarantees both Egypt and Sudan 56 billion cubic meters of the 74 billion cubic meters that constitute the Nile's total water flow (more than 75% of the total water volume).The upstream states claim that the Agreement rests upon an antiquated division that grants the downstream states a de facto monopoly over the rights and usage of the Nile's waters.
Several feckless attempts at reconciliation have been sought in the eighty-year interim since the Agreement's inception, with the most recent endeavour precipitating in the Nile Basin Initiative of 1993 which sought to "develop the Nile in a cooperative manner, share substantial socioeconomic benefits, and promote regional peace and security."Nonetheless, economic incentives, justified and zealous, die hard.The source-countries of the Nile (Tanzania, Ethiopia and Uganda) have unilaterally embarked upon their own agricultural and developmental infrastructure projects, most notably a 170 mile-long pipeline built in Tanzania, as well as the Tekeze Dam in Ethiopia.While reasonable in their nature, these projects and others like them have had indelible environmental effects on the Nile, most conspicuously in the formation of enormous water reserves which trap nutrient-rich silt necessary for the irrigation of farmlands further downstream.Egypt and Sudan deem any diversion of the Nile as nothing less than an act of war.Exacerbating the issue is the recent involvement of the World Bank in the foray, with the vocal backing of Rwanda, Kenya, Tanzania and Congo.Many of the NileBasin states view this intervention as a move toward destabilization, in particular on the part of Rwanda and Congo whom the Nile barely grazes.Of course, the downstream nations' vigorous rejection of water diversion is not to be deemed simply as innocent protest.Egypt's agricultural endeavours along the Nile have been marred by their grandiose, embarrassing and ostentatious nature. The earliest of these was Nasser's construction of the Aswan High Dam which resulted in the flooding and mass displacement of 300,000 Nubians.More recently was the Toshka Irrigation Canal Project which sought to construct a colossal artificial artery of the Nile that penetrated directly into the depths of the Sahara, in order to potentially turn the desert into farmable land.The project ended in fiscal, political and social disaster and firmly ingrained the image of Egypt as an irresponsible patron of the Nile in the collective conscience of the upstream states.Perhaps most damning of all were allegations that Egypt sought to create a waterway under the Suez Canal (named the Peace Canal) which would irrigate 600,000 acres of land in Northern Sinai with water from the Nile, and which would ultimately flow into Israel.Needless to say, these rumours struck a particularly contentious nerve among all of the NileBasin states.
Where does this leave the Basin states?A political stalemate can maintain the semblance of stability for only so long.The conflict holds implications that are all too palpable for the populations of the NileBasin and cannot continue to remain cordoned off behind the plush walls of foreign ministries and African Union assemblies.The Nile and her abuse are intimately connected to the beating hearts of three-hundred million souls.Compromise can no longer be deemed a lofty ideal, but must be treated as a tangible necessity.The unmoving hubris of the Basin states can only serve to usher in their own undoing.
It may be cliché to say this, but I love fashion. I’m an avid fan of Lookbook and the Sartorialist, websites dedicated to documenting the beautifully dressed. I love nothing more than curling up on my sofa with a cup of tea in one hand and the latest copy of Vogue in the other, flicking through glossy pages covered in Chanel couture and Prada shoes that I can’t even dream of owning right now. And when I have the time, I enjoy roaming the streets of Soho in search of the perfect summer dress (something that still eludes me). The seeds of my love for all things chic were sown, however, not in New York City but back home in Lagos. I grew up submerged in style, but in a very different way to how it is experienced here.
I don’t often go to stores to buy clothing at home, because it’s usually cheaper and easier to get them made for you. Tailor-made clothes are an everyday part of life across the African continent, meaning that couture is in no way restricted to the moneyed elite. In Nigeria, one can easily get a trendy party outfit made to your exact measurements (and to showcase every curve) for $20 or less, including the cost of the fabric. Customised clothing isn’t just for special occasions either – my mother rocks boubous and dresses made of colourful ankara material every day. Fabric stores and markets are also a huge part of the local economy – Balogun Market, one of the biggest in Lagos, is a veritable nirvana of laces, jacquards and batiks in every conceivable shade, hue and pattern from all over West Africa.
What I love the most about getting clothing made back home is how much of a role the consumer and their cultural background plays in shaping the fashion world. Over here, a small group of designers determine what look is “in” – whether it’s jumpsuits or if grey is the new black. When you walk into a store in NYC no matter how varied the collections may be, the general “direction” of that season has shaped the designers’ choices and that is inevitably what buyers end up picking off the racks. At home, it’s a different experience. If, for example, I needed an outfit for a wedding, my choice of fabric would probably be determined by the bride, but I could complement it with others as I see fit. The style may be modified slightly by the tailor, but ultimately it’s me who gets to decide if I want a cap-sleeve with a sweetheart neckline, or if I want the embroidery in silver or gold. Also, what I wear may depend on if the bride is Yoruba (a buba and iro) or Urhobo (a skirt and blouse with a regal gele). What you wear isn’t determined by fashion editors’ lists of trends, but rather by the weather, custom and/or a sense of whimsy. Clothing – a functional part of everyone’s lives – is a means of creative expression for the masses, but is even more so when you’re a part of the process from yards and tape measures to fittings and zippers.
This is not to say that style exists in a void in Africa. Designers like Louis Vuitton and Boxing Kitten have drawn on African style for their collections. Magazines, bloggers and designers such as Arise, Pop Africana and Duro Olowu are becoming increasingly influential and many people (myself included) often draw inspiration from European clothes but rework them in traditional fabrics. But what I think makes African fashion so unique is how you can see art, function and tradition coming together in such a seemingly effortless way, elevating dressing beyond the mundanity of the mall without putting it out of reach in glass-fronted stores.
When I hear the name Marcus Samuelsson, I cannot help but think of fragrant smells, delicious meals, and exotic tastes. This Ethiopian-born, world acclaimed chef (who grew up in Sweden from a young very age) has managed to surprise his fans for over 10 years with accomplishments ranging from acquiring the executive chef positions at Aquavit and Riingo (Swedish and Japanese cuisine, respectively) to releasing a plethora of cookbooks to being recognized for his culinary skills by the New York Times…all the way to being given the opportunity to prepare a feast for first state dinner for the Barack Obama presidency.
Needless to say, Samuelsson has been gaining plenty of buzz over the last few years, as his presence has been felt throughout the culinary world. And the beginning of 2010 has not proven to be any different for this world acclaimed chef. Having lived in Harlem for the last few years of his life, Samuelsson felt it was time to give back to his community that he can now call home. Interestingly enough, in doing so, he’s decided to put a spin on his usual Swedish-Ethiopian-Japanese cuisine; He’s decided to open up a soul-food restaurant, including everyone’s favorites-cornbread, collard greens, and fried chicken (and many more). Though it has not yet been opened, this upcoming restaurant is something worth keeping a look out for; It is bound to be an out-of-the-ordinary approach to such familiar dishes and an experience worth checking out!
On that note…check out The New York Times article featuring Marcus Samuelsson, entitled “A Night in with Marcus Samuelsson: Munching to the Future” !
Once again the tanks and armored carriers are rolling on the streets in the capital, leaving their unmistakable trail of destruction on the asphalt. The camouflaged soldiers have burst out of their barracks, commandeered the city and erected cantonments on intersections all across Niamey, Niger’s capital. The revolution has made another full circle, in French of course, in the ever more mouthful form of Conseil suprême pour la Restauration de la Démocratie.
As the first volley of shots was fired at the presidential palace, the African Union and ECOWAS, the two regional bodies that are supposedly the most involved in matters on the continent, were in the dark about the unfolding events. The ambushed officials in Abuja and Addis Ababa could only scramble for scraps of news while affecting postures of authority and concern. The one constant in all coup d’états – foreign involvement – was embodied by France, the former colonial power, confirming the intimate details of the military coup.
This is not the first time that such a strange sequence has played out in the African context: there was a similar response in the aftermath of the coup in Guinea-Bissau a year ago. All that the AU could do then was express a vague sense of apprehension and promise to deliberate on the matter. Despite the extensive political consultation that followed, it was clear the organization’s lack of essential information about the situation on the ground had limited the effectiveness of its intervention. Portugal (one of the poorest countries in Europe) exercised more influence than both the AU and ECOWAS combined as the confident statement from its foreign minister on the coup showed.
This obviously poses difficult challenges for both of these organizations. Despite the formation of the AU (formerly known as the Organization of African Unity), the continent’s political order is still vulnerable to foreign interference even after fifty years of independence. The political and economic security sought from the creation of these organizations has yet to materialize. The AU (and, in the case of West Africa, ECOWAS) should have been the most influential force during both coups, if for no other reason than the realization that instability and foreign meddling in one country can undermine the entire region.
This is not to say the continent's leaders are completely unaware of this. Discussions regarding the restoration of democracy in Niger are underway. And there have been successful political interventions that aimed to diffuse crises in Guinea-Conakry, Côte d'Ivoire, Mauritania and Madagascar. These instances represent a more proactive stance on the part of the AU, ECOWAS and, in the case of Madagascar, the SADC, in attending to crises.
Military coups have declined in frequency, but this has yet to translate into stability or freedom from the grip of colonialism. Through extensive networks of security and economic apparatuses, the European capitals still maintain control of their former colonies. African governments depend on the metropolises for military hardware and training. The metropolises in turn use this opportunity to gain access to and establish links with key elements in the militaries they train: links that are vital for triggering coups when they are expedient. In this way the national security of African countries is compromised and key institutions are penetrated. The same vulnerability is true for the economies of former colonies as well.
It would be unfeasible to sever military and economic ties at this point but the continent’s leadership must collectively reflect on this problem. To release Africa from foreign domination, and from constant military revolts, there needs to be more secure networks for military and economic infrastructure. That means the creation of rigorous regional academies for all officers in the region. Such institutions would limit the vulnerability of intelligence and provide officers a forum to meet and share expertise and resource.
As for Niger, the engines of the tanks and army lorries are still roaring. When the dust stirred by their commotion settles we will learn the faces of the new young revolutionaries.
For many of us coming from immigrant families, we get sick of hearing about kids these days being Americanized...but what about Westerners being Africanized? Check out this video of the Dutch attempting Ethiopian Eskista!
Here's a link to Japanese doing Ethiopian dance...this one is more humorous than it is accurate: http://www.youtube.com/user/sekaramuleba
Ghana is said to have one of the most vibrant funeral cultures in the world. So what exactly is a “funeral culture”? At each stage of life- birth, puberty, marriage, and death- Ghanaians believe it essential that the entire community comes together to celebrate the transition of the individual into that new stage. This communal show of solidarity, affection, and recognition is thought to be an essential part of what shapes a person into a fully developed human being.The more elaborate the ceremony, the more the individual is said to be loved. To ensure that a befitting ceremony will be held, it is common for the burial to take place after a period of forty days when the family of the deceased would have had time to draw upon their financial resources and contact all acquaintances of the deceased about his passing.
The funeral itself is quite festive in nature and can often take up an entire day. For this reason it is often held on the weekend. Guests often dress themselves in matching funeral cloth and there is much food and music available for merrymaking. The grief of those in attendance, especially the family, is always tangible but the tone of the event is great joy. It is not uncommon for a funeral attendee to reply, “The funeral was very nice. Losts of fun”.Again, the funeral is a reflection of the Ghanaian perception of death as another stage in life to be celebrated.
It was in the spirit of this celebratory mood that the idea of the fantasy coffin emerged. These are elaborate coffins constructed to reflect a passion or skill that best characterizes the deceased. For instance, many teachers are buried in a coffin shaped like a pen, a farmer could be buried in a chicken shaped coffin, and a pilot could be buried in a plane. The coffins originated from a carver named Kane Quaye whose first fantasy coffin was created almost forty years ago at the request of a family member.
However, the funeral culture in Ghana is not without its critics. Some individuals criticize the practice for fostering an insincere show of mourning. For instance, it is not unusual for some of those in attendance to never have met the deceased or be closely connected to the family in any way. In addition, the practice of sometimes hiring professional criers to attend the event is also seen as detracting from the genuine grief of the family.
The heaviest criticism, however, is targeted at the enormous excess, which what is perceived as an enormous waste of resources. A frequently whispered sentiment at many funerals is, “the man was very poor and would have never been able to get these people to give him this amount of money if he were living. Perhaps if he had his medical condition could have been treated”. There are a number of individuals who believe that it is wrong to focus more on the individual in their death than in their life. Many people, especially politicians struggling to strategize policies to bring Ghanaians out of poverty, are dismayed by what they perceive as this needless show of wealth that often financially cripples the surviving family members. The government has often spoken of bans on excessive spending on funerals but such regulation of private activities is quite difficult to enact. This is especially true because families are always motivated by the fear that their loved one will be perceived as a nothing in the community without such a funeral.
For more information on the funeral culture in Ghana or to see some of the elaborately made fantasy coffins please check out a short video on the subjectby National Geographics. Afterwards share your thoughts on the fantasy coffins, the “funeral culture” in Ghana, and its criticisms in the comments section below.
I'm a huge fan of the BBC's photo section and of African music, and so I was pleasantly surprised to find the following picture essay on Sauti Za Busara (Sounds of Wisdom), a music festival held in Stone Town, the capital city of island of Zanzibar. This past week was its seventh anniversary, and over 40 groups representing the continent and the Diaspora performed in front of massive crowds. Food, dancing and celebration marked the 4-day event, which carried on despite the power problems Zanzibar has been dealing with for the past few months. I'm definitely adding this festival to my life's bucket list. Check the photo story here: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/8521925.stm
Oroma Elewa, the editor of Pop Africana (a fabulous style-focused site), recently posted about Congolese artist Baloji - his sound is a breath of fresh air for the contemporary African hip-hop scene. Check out the video for "Karibu ya bintou":
I personally love the documentary-style filming and the infectiously unique drum-line of the track (and, of course, his impeccable style and fly hair). Post up your thoughts on this song, and any other upcoming artists we should be paying attention to.
Hip Hop may have been born in America, but it is growing up in Africa. Fangafrika is a stylized look at the festival in Ouaga, in Burkina Faso, where Africa' s best and brightest rappers gather using hip hop to tackle the serious issues facing Africans everywhere. The film is a who's who in African hip-hop, from veterans like Pee Froiss, Daara J and PBS to up and coming hot acts.
8:30pm Panel Discussion: Marketing African Media in the New Millennium: A Panel discussion About the Intersection of Technology, Digital Media and its Impact on the African Continent. Panelists to be announced.
10pm Concert: Meta and the Cornerstones Featuring members from across Africa, the Middle East and Asia, Brooklyn's Meta and the Cornerstones fuse Afropop, reggae, hip-hop and serious soul with a mixture of French, English, Wolof and Fulani vocals. With their powerful lyrics and feel good melodies, the band creates a sound that transcending borders and language barriers.
It was love at first sight when I first glimpsed Gorée Island. I was sitting on the ferry from Dakar (the capital city of Senegal) with my father and sister, clutching two cameras in my freezing hands (the Harmattan heat of Lagos seemed incredibly far away this far up the West African coastline) as we chugged closer to this small patch of land sitting in the Atlantic Ocean. As our ferry pulled in and we jumped onto the wooden jetty, I was struck by an odd sensation - I felt as though I'd stepped into a whole other time period. Dakar is a bustling metropolis with street traders, traffic and shouting on every corner. Gorée, just 2 kilometres away from the main city, felt distinctly like a sleepy small town.
For one thing, it's tiny - it's only 300m by 900m (meaning that you can take a leisurely stroll around the island in 45 minutes or less). There are no cars on Gorée, meaning that instead of wide roads marked by zebra crossings there are dusty footpaths criss-crossing across the island. It's quiet, and there's an immediate sense of intimacy and mystery that draws you in and architectural surprises on every corner delight the eye.
A brief history: Gorée is a UNESCO site today, but a few hundred years ago it was one of the first places colonised by Europeans on the West African coast (first by the Portuguese, then the Dutch, followed by the British and finally the French). La Maison de Esclaves (the Slave House) is one of its most famous landmarks and a reminder of Gorée's small but historically significant role in the Atlantic Slave Trade. It has a population of approximately 1000 people, and is home to incredibly talented artisans, a famous girls' secondary school and some of the city's best poisson yassa, according to my father.
The vibrant colours, picturesque views and unique construction details on Gorée were this amateur photographer's dream come true (PLEASE ask permission if you would like to use any of these photographs):
There are sounds…and there is music. The latter, in the case of contemporary Ethiopian entertainment would be applied to a multitude of musical artists, but no one can deny the fact that Teddy Afro (real name, Tewodros Kassahun) has embodied what Ethiopian "musica" truly means, and goes beyond it’s definition.This prolific musician has transcended boundaries beyond belief, and has recently found himself in heated controversy surrounding that very dynamism of his work.
To give a brief background on Teddy, it would be useful to understand the types of music from his past album releases and its correlation with the current political scene of Ethiopia.One of his most popular albums, Abugida, built up the anticipation of what was yet to come from this musical phenom as it gave a snippet of the pride that he was going to be invoking amongst his fellow countrymen. Even as an Ethiopian-American at the tender age of eleven years old upon release of this album, I found myself listening to and engaging with this album on repeat every chance that I received, all while singing along to any and every word that I’d be able to latch onto. Belting out beautiful tunes ranging from a tribute to the late Emperor of Ethiopia, Haile Selassie, in the track “Girmawineto” all the way to “Mona Lisa” which explicated upon the facets of beauty in all of humankind, Teddy Afro was just preparing his world-wide listeners for what they were about to hear…and witness.
Teddy Afro’s audience members were unprepared for the personal connection they received upon pressing play on his next, and third, album, “Yasteseryal”. What made Teddy’s tunes even more inspirational was that at the time of this album’s release, the political scene of Ethiopia was getting even more heated with political controversies that were unveiling itself over the course of the year, as they were, for the most part, tied to the General Election of Ethiopia in 2005. In turn, “Yasteseryal” did not cease in addressing these very pressing issues.
Boiling over with political out roar, “Yasteseryal” was a force, though cliché, to be reckoned with. One of the most famous songs on the album (and self-evidently the name of the album itself), “Yasteseryal,” spoke out against the current political regime all while sparking concern, and in some cases, fear on the part of the governmental officials.This in turn led to it’s (and several other songs on the album) to be banned from publically being aired via television or radio stations.
This controversy, however, seemed to be unceasing. Just shortly thereafter, in 2008, Teddy Afro was accused and jailed for a supposed hit-and-run manslaughter that many speculate to actually be a sentencing in response to his politically charged music and/or his call for unity amongst his Ethiopian kinsmen. Fortunately for Teddy Afro, and his fans across the globe, his sentence was reduced from six to two years; Throughout this time, however, fans were right by his side – though not physically, but definitely mentally and spiritually. I personally remember visiting Addis Ababa during the summer of 2008 and driving past Kaliti Jail (the prison within which Teddy Afro was imprisoned) and experiencing a sense of internal remorse and sorrow. As an eighteen-year-old American-born Ethiopian at the time, I deem that it was, and is, safe to say that Teddy Afro has managed to invoke within his listeners a feeling that cannot be explained by use of mere words found in the average dictionary.
Luckily, Teddy Afro was shortly released approximately eight months earlier than was intended…and his presence was felt on the continent of Africa, all the way to the continent of Asia. He was released with a bang, and the world reverberated with the tunes of Teddy’s re-debut after his highly anticipated prison-release. To this day, Teddy has had concerts all across the world, and one of his most famous shows to date took place at the famous DC Armory to celebrate the beginning of the 2010 New Year. What better way to ring in 2010 than to sway to the words of Teddy Afro’s inspirational music and lyricism…to jump in excitement and bask in the strumming tunes of traditional Ethiopian instrumentation played by the famed “Abugida Band”…or to even delight yourself in the forever-famous “Eskista” dancing with your fellow concert goers? Whatever your reasons for attending this legendary show, you were in for an experience…and one that will never be forgotten.
[On that note – Please enjoy the video provided. One of Teddy's most popular and passionate songs released, “Abebayehosh” gives a small taste of the melodic music that one can enjoy from this world-renowned musician, and that especially complements the New Years celebration…and beyond!]
A year has already passed since a national unity government was established in Zimbabwe. After sustained pressure from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) led by South African presidents Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma, Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe and the leader of the opposition party Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) Morgan Tsvangirai agreed to share power in January 2009. The Global Political Agreement, as it was christened, not only invented the post of Prime Minister for Tsvangirai, but also stipulated that stabilizing the economy, lifting Western sanctions, reinvigorating of the rule of law, resolving land issues and drafting a new constitution be the first issues addressed by the government. Joint committees set up by the inclusive government would see that the provisions of the agreement were carried out.
Forming this unity government was not an easy process. It came at the end of a long, arduous labor, with the SADC serving as midwife. The negotiations broke down many times with both parties storming out of the talks but thanks to the intense pressure of the SADC and, in particular, the personal involvement of both South African presidents throughout the entire process, an accord was reached.
By all accounts this agreement has spared Zimbabwe from further plunging down into an intractable political abyss and, God forbid, a civil war. Except for isolated instances, the violence that followed the general elections has all but abated. It will take time for the economy to recover fully, but relief has otherwise been palpable with food shelves filling up again and market activities resuming vitality. As a result, daily hardships for most Zimbabweans have diminished. Yet as the government works to issue salaries on time in US dollar, and as this is contributing to the general easing of burden and distress for people, Western governments embargo remains in place. Having failed to derail the reconciliation effort of SADC, these governments seem as ever committed to overthrowing President Mugabe. Brussels welcomed Prime Minister Tsvangirai, but only as a means of empowering him and further isolating him from his partner, President Mugabe. Despite the red carpet treatment he has received, no indication has come from the European Union capital that it intends to ease the economic stranglehold it is has on Zimbabwe.
This is not to say that the unity government has otherwise been on schedule in fulfilling the other provisions of the unity accord. On the contrary, Mugabe and Tsvangirai have simply shifted their power struggle from the streets of Harare to the executive corridors of the government. The two gentlemen have worked diligently to agree on nothing. As the president, however, and the one in actual control, Mugabe assumes the lion’s share of any failure. He has been unwilling to allow his prime minister some authority as per the accord. Despite the GPA arrangement, Mugabe still holds enormous influence in his lap. As a result, efforts towards the reestablishment of the rule of law have gone nowhere. Corruption continues to gnaw the state organs and public service. Prime Minister Tsvangirai, on the other hand, has not done enough to distance himself from Western attempts to impose colonial terms on Zimbabwe. Under Tony Blair the British government had even contemplated a military invasion of the country. During the SADC mediation, the said government actively frustrated reconciliation efforts, inciting opposition parties to abandon talks. Its preferred solution for the crisis is to exacerbate the situation in order to induce general disorder or a military coup. For the GPA to succeed, Prime Minister Tsvangirai must make it clear that he rejects such harmful and undesired foreign meddling. He must also allay the suspicion of President Mugabe. It is of paramount importance that confidence in the unity government is restored as its potential cannot to be taken for granted. If not cultivated and built upon, it could easily evaporate and leave Zimbabweans in a precarious political situation once again.
dry distilled and typified into its very being. She is unwieldy, fertile, destructive, glorious and inevitably fraught with political dissent. She is also large – very large. At over four-thousand miles, weaving through nine countries and reaching widths of up to five miles, the 
